Immigration, history and creativity in Mary Rose Callaghan’s Emigrant Dreams

 

“The dead are a notoriously perverse and unmanageable lot.  They tend not to be safely buried, and in fact resist all efforts at obliterating their traces” (Sante x).

 

 In Mary Rose Callaghan’s Emigrant Dreams, the Irish narrator, Anne O’Brien, is haunted by the ghost of her grandfather, Marcus Quilligan O’Neill, who dies over ninety years earlier. She sees him as she gets off the plane at Kennedy Airport, and he continues to pop up throughout the course of the novel. Anne’s Irish-American cousin Ogie has been badgering Anne to write the biography of their grandfather. O’Neill’s presence in the novel, both historical as Anne researches his life, and actual, as he haunts Anne demanding that she not believe everything she reads about him, provides the focal point of an exploration of the differences between emigrant and immigrant perspectives as well as an investigation into the process of creation and the difference between history and fiction.  An Irish writer, Anne is caught between two worlds: having traversed the Atlantic fifteen times (Callaghan, Emigrant Dreams 4)[1] , she approaches America from the outside but with something of the insider’s perspective.  She is the fourth generation in her family to “ferry back and forth between two continents” (10), and although she does not stay in America permanently, she comes to this country with something of an emigrant perspective.  Her husband Fergal, who refuses to come with her and threatens to leave if she goes to America again, has accused her of “thinking that the streets were paved with gold.  I wanted to emigrate completely, but he hated the place” (5). So although she has the urge to emigrate and can understand such an impulse, she never becomes an immigrant. As Anne tells us her story as well as the story of her grandfather, we come to see America from both outside and “inside” perspectives, that is, from the perspective of emigration as well as of immigration. These two perspectives are linked in the novel to a  question of the creation of fiction from fact. As Anne’s dead grandfather Marcus “emigrates” from the past into her present, Anne must rewrite history just as the historical immigrant rewrites his own past and his own roots.

First generation immigrants are never, of course, truly insiders.  Even those who attempt to assimilate remain outsiders in the dominant culture.  Anne’s grandfather, Marcus, comes to the USA as a child and essentially grows up here: still he feels like an outsider, identifying more with Ireland and the Irish, trying to return, marrying an Irishwoman, making sure all of his children are born in Ireland.  But the term “immigrants” extends to include more than just the people who settle in a particular country.  The immigrant perspective is shared not only by the first generation immigrant himself but also, often, by second and third generations.  In fact, because of the way the Irish in particular have continued to identify with the mother country, the second and third generations characters we see in this novel share some of the perspectives of the first generation.

Despite the fact that Irish began their upward mobility in America during the 1870s, as late as 1900 they were 42% of the nation’s urban poor (Miller 499).

The Irish, in short, stood at the opening  of the 20th century with a foot in each world. The desire to join the “ins” conflicted with the desire to lead the “outs.” The wish to climb socially ran counter to the impulse to champion the rebellious, restless poor. The options for the individual Irishman were numerous: conventional success or frustrated insurgency, individual assimilation or the chauvinism of the Irish community, bleached-out respectability or labor radicalism, adherence to the political machine or acceptance of good government (goo goo) values, the American style of idealism of Gibbons and Ireland or the clerical reaction of Corrigan and McQuaid.  They had come a long way in seventy years.  They knew they still had a long way to go. (Shannon 145)

Even early on, the Emerald Isle kept calling its exiled children both physically and sentimentally, not only creating a rationale for their exile but also wrapping their own role in American history in myth and legend in what Thomas Brown refers to as “apologia” or “works of justification” (Brown 25).  Examples of such apologias include the idea that the New World was discovered by St. Brendan; that Columbus was rowed ashore by an Irish navigator; that both countries were products of the rejection of English culture with its presuppositions of moral and political superiority.  Irish-American myth has it that the fighting Irish won the American Revolution, the Civil War, and the Spanish-American Wars, and that without Irish labor, America’s material progress would have been impossible (Brown 26-31). Thus could the Celtic myth provide for the American Irish a pride in the past, a hope for the future in their adopted country, and an image that supported nationalism in Ireland.

This current immigration situation, as exemplified at the start of the novel by the boy on the plane, is seen in the context of the historical, post-famine immigration of Anne O’Neill’s grandfather.  Marcus Quilligan O’Neill, the ghostly figure who haunts Anne, is, in fact, based on Callaghan’s own grandfather, James Mark Sullivan. “I never thought of writing my grandfather’s biography,” said Mary Rose Callaghan when we asked her about the inception of Emigrant Dreams. “Nor did I want to write an historical romance.   I wanted to write a book set in the present time [. . . .] I was writing about the effect the past has on the present, which is one of my preoccupations [. . . . ]  The story always haunted me” (Callaghan, “Interview” 3/02).  But writing her grandfather’s life is exactly what Anne O’Brien, the main character in Callaghan’s fifth novel, is trying to do.

Anne struggles with Marcus’s history and its effect not only on her but also on her entire family both in America and in Ireland.  Marcus becomes the pivotal character in the novel that allows the author to focus on the older emigrant perspective, the newer perspectives of exile, and the Irishwoman’s view of her Irish-American relatives. Anne O’Brien’s research into her ghostly ancestor’s past exposes the various dreams of both Irish and Irish-Americans, past and present.

From the start we realize that Marcus has an axe to grind.[2]  He is unhappy about the way he has been presented in history.  During the course of the novel, we learn that he has participated in a number of historical events: he was counsel to Bald Jack Rose in the Becker-Rosenthal case, he was minister to Santo Domingo during the Wilson administration, and he was arrested in Dublin during the 1916 rising. But history, both official and familial, has not been kind to him, and he is determined to get his side of the story to the public. Hence, he haunts his granddaughter to right the historical accounts:  “I was plenipotentiary, Minister Extraordinaire, and I want a biography,” demands Marcus (53).  But Marcus doesn’t want an accurate biography. What he wants instead is a nostalgic recollection of his achievements against tremendous odds. He wants to salvage his reputation: 

People who experienced [past] decades [ . . .]attain positions of power in the world.  In their years of struggle they primarily looked to the future; having both achieved their goals and failed to realize their fondest wishes, they have the rue and leisure, the complacency and dissatisfaction to look backward, and the means to broadcast an idealized version of the remembered past, from which, however, the grime of history cannot entirely be washed. (Sante xii)

Anne muses, “Only his public life was deemed worthy of mention.  Still there was a story there” (57). Marcus Quilligan O’Neill “wanted to be an old Joe Kennedy, but hadn’t made it” (46).  He began his days in Brooklyn and, thanks to a connection with Bald Jack Rose, the Jewish mobster (also an historical figure), Marcus made some money, perhaps illicitly, in backing prizefights: “They weren’t crooked, though. [ . . . .] Get that idea outa your head” (53).  Marcus used the money to go to Yale Law School, where he took the Townsend Prize for oratory.  According to the New York Times, the real Sullivan was an “omniverous reader, [. . . ]a man of wide erudition” (“Minister Sullivan Oniverous [sic] Reader” 5), and the Yale degree was one step toward his moving up in his newly adopted country. But the Irish in the early part of the century were not welcomed into the ranks of the rich and famous.  Marcus would  resemble Joe Kennedy only in his shadier dealings, his film connections, and his informal approach as a diplomat; his power would be short-lived, and he would never get rich. Marcus, like Sullivan, “took an active part in Tammany Hall politics” (“James M Sullivan ex-Diplomat Dead” 13).[3]  In one of many apparitions in the novel, Marcus points his stick at his granddaughter Anne saying, “You can criticise me, but it was hard to be Irish then” (68). The Irish response to nativist prejudice was both retreatist and aggressive; that is, they tended to intermarry with their own kind, the Catholic hierarchy warning them that unions with Protestants was tantamount to consignment to hell (Parillo 153).  Poverty forced many families to take in boarders and to rely on mutual welfare associations fostered by the emergent trade unions and political associations. Condemned for their “clannishness,” the Irish were further isolated from assimilation into American society.  In addition, Catholic Irish alienated themselves from Anglo-Saxon America by their association with militant labor unionism, especially when late immigrant groups were used against them, as scabs. Marcus needed to be connected if he wanted to make it big. Marcus is typical of the educated Irishman of his day in America.  In fact,

Traditional interpretation of Irish participation in the world of finance—where serious money was (and is) in New York, and where achievement translates into real power and influence on a national scale—is that it was off limits in the first half of the century. The exceptions are used to prove the rule. Joseph Kennedy came from Boston to pursue his ambitions, but Wall Street kept him at its edges.  He prospered from his own shrewd judgments but was never invited into the closed club of old-stock Protestant investment bankers who though little of the Irish. (McNickle 344)

The distance persisted through the 1950s.  When a Boston newspaper referred to him as an “Irishman,” Joseph P. Kennedy said: “I was born here.  My children were born here. What the hell do I have to do to be called an American?” (quoted in Shannon vii). [4]

Although Marcus is for a time part of the Tammany machine, unlike Kennedy, he is finally shut out socially, politically, and financially: “After meeting Presidents and speaking before the King, he died in Florida—poor, an utter failure, haggling over pennies” (46). It is not with the Protestant establishment of New York politics that Marcus joins forces.

Marcus remains on the outskirts; any power he has comes from doing favors. His model, Sullivan, was at best a “struggling lawyer whose clients were mainly poor people and he had a great deal of criminal, but a general practice, which was not very profitable” (Phelan Report 6).  Sullivan was known as a police court lawyer and was not a member of any reputable association (Phelan report 6). He was tied into the gangland underworld as well as the Irish political machine through the real-life “Big Tim” Sullivan. Tim Sullivan, “the most powerful politician in lower Manhattan, a nonsmoking, nongambling teetotaling saloon-keeper, bought food and clothing and paid rent for the poor from vice protection graft (he was accused of but denied prostitution connections). The ‘King of the Bowery’ also championed organized labor and social and political feminism” (McCaffrey 223). Tim Sullivan was a part of the old Tammany political machine. He epitomizes the kind of wheeling and dealing that the Irish in the early part of the century had to do to make it big in the new country. “Following the lead of Tim Sullivan in the Bowery [. . . ]Tammany established political clubs throughout the city.  These groups provided social entertainment, including boat trips and clambakes for the entire family, and took a close personal interest in neighborhood people” (McCaffrey 227). The reality, however, is closer to Sante’s assessment:

what helped Tammany succeed over so many years was that its operators did not stand on ceremony, did not make class distinctions with anyone willing to play the game, and, above all, had a realistic understanding of weakness and vice.  Tammany in its many guises was a confidence game, an often foolish embezzlement ring, an oligarchy of wise guys, and it cost the city incalculable millions in various boondoggles, swindles and white elephants, but it provided the people with bread and with circuses, and with no lectures to spoil enjoyment of the latter. (Sante 277)

This interest translated into loyalty, which in turn translated into votes for Democratic candidates. It was this sense of “owing,” of repaying the favor, the “paternalistic patronage” that not only gains Marcus his notoriety but also leads to his involvement in corruption and, finally, to his resignation as Minister of Santo Domingo.  Curiously, when Anne asks Marcus why he wanted the diplomatic job, his response is “To get even” (69).[5] Anne’s historical research into Marcus’s life reflects the confusion even with actual historical accounts about many of the immigrant “upstarts” of the period. Yet even for Anne, Marcus verges on the stereotype of the Tammany Irishman: at one point while she is researching his life, he climbs over her balcony and appears before her “younger and heavier.  He wore a straw boater and chewed gum like an overweight James Cagney” (118). And during their conversations, Marcus talks early twentieth century Runyonesque “gangster talk” : “How else couldya be a criminal lawyer” (118), and “Aw, shut yer trap” (119).

Marcus is linked to Big Tim not only in his business dealings but also, according to erroneous historical accounts, by blood.  Newspapers identify him as cousin to Big Tim (57) and the actual cousin Tim to whom he gives jobs in the Dominican Republic is said to be “Little Tim,” a distant cousin to Big Tim.  As if all Sullivans were naturally related, the reporters connect these characters in ways that do not merit connection.  Although all three are Sullivans, the Tim Sullivan who is Marcus’s cousin is not related to Big or Little Tim of Tammany fame.  But the confusion is typical of the way Irish immigrants were lumped together as a group that would of necessity, be corrupt, nepotistic, and inter-related.

In Emigrant Dreams,  Marcus’s second and third generation relations also play a role.  Bracing herself to go through customs Anne ponders, “Was fear passed in the genes?  Was it some racial memory? Had our ancestors felt this, landing on Ellis Island with a one-way ticket, tired and probably sick? The hungry Irish, having to face doctors, afraid of being sent back to starvation and certain death.  But the sweatshops of New York and Boston were as bad a fate. Worse” (10).  In fact, “the tenements of Boston’s Fort Hill, New York’s Five Points, and Chicago’s Bridgeport were as unhealthy as the wretched huts of Ireland’s West and Southwest” (Brown 18). But Anne’s contemporary experience is vastly different from that of the famine emigrants.  The reference to Ellis Island and starvation is triggered by her thoughts about the current diaspora, as well as by her images of her grandfather, another post-famine immigrant. 

In fact, it is the Irish-American relatives who insist that Anne, the Irish writer, research Marcus’ s life.  Third generation Irish in New York, Anne’s cousin Ogie has convinced her children that Marcus is an heroic figure, and they want to restore him to his “rightful place” in American and Irish-American history.   Ogie has quite a skewed idea of Ireland and its history as well as of her grandfather’s place in American and Irish history. One very clear difference between Irish-American and Irish perspectives is shown in the names of Ogie’s children.  Anne is met in New York by her cousin’s children, Jessica Sinn Fein and Jason Ira.  When she’d first heard these names, Anne had written Ogie “that nowadays these movements were associated with violence. The IRA were criminals.  But it was no good. Ogie was typically Irish-American—the sort of person who worshipped ancestors” (21). Anne is horrified by her cousin’s glamorizing of the IRA: “No one in our family every had anything to do with  the IRA.  They’re criminals! . . .Americans didn’t realize how sick of IRA violence the Irish were” (36-7). But what Ogie seeks is not truth, but myth, nostalgic distortion. She wants the fragmented forms of a previous generation passed on as reality—part of the immigrant dream of progress, betterment, upward mobility in America—not “the repressed history of vice and crime, misery and graft, panic and despair, chaos and saturnalia” (Sante xv). Anne O’Brien’s Irish –American contemporaries are well-represented in the professions, finance, management—living in upscale urban areas and enjoying high incomes and status far removed from the reality of the urban shantytowns, misery, crime, oppression, and violence of earlier generations.  Given such circumstances, it’s easy to understand why they sought to gloss over the misery and focus instead on success.  Isn’t that the myth of America?   Ogie wants to dissociate herself from the nativist violence used against the Irish and the violence they used in establishing labor unions in their adopted land against other immigrant scab laborers, blacks and rival groups. The American cousins are determined to weave the stereotypical myths around the memories of their grandfather and the Irish.  What they want from Anne is a biography opf their grandfather that  will  cement his place firmly and heroically in the American national narrative while at the same time romanticize his Republican Irishness.

Ogie may represent the typical Irish-American, her ethnic identity blurred by her marriage to Hans, whose heritage is German-Jewish (13).  She has scant understanding of either American or Irish history (36).  But this, according to Callaghan, is part of the emigrant experience.  By the 1960s—and certainly by the time of Anne’s visit in the novel—about a quarter of a century later, the Irish-Americans had become American-Irish, with cultural roots in the old country but a present and future belonging to America.

Part of making their place in America is, for Ogie and her family, mythologizing the “famous” grandfather Marcus: “Did you know that Marcus put down a revolution?” (34)[6]  Ogie insists, “Marcus was a famous lawyer” (35)—this despite the fact that according to the Phelan Report, Marcus’s model, Sullivan had but a “struggling practice.” Jessica Sinn Fein asks her Irish cousin, “Is it true he founded the IRA?” (35). Writing as Callaghan was in the 1980s and 90s, this no doubt reflects contemporary Irish attitudes towards “the Troubles” and the emergence of the Provos during the sectarian violence in Ulster.  Horrific atrocities were committed on both sides and because of the country’s relatively small size, the war became an intimate part of people’s consciousness. “Everyone knows someone who has been killed or injured. A weirdly local, almost domestic war, is how ordinary people experience it [. . . .] At these moments it was as if Kathleen ni Houlihan was once again challenging the nation with blood sacrifice” (Kennelly 99-100).  But the nightly television images of modern terrorist violence made only a small minority give encouragement and support to that old message. In the course of the conversation in the novel, Callaghan reveals that O’Brien’s Irish –American cousins are ignorant not only about the current situation in Ireland but also about real Irish history as they try to place Marcus squarely in the middle of both American and Irish affairs.  When Anne tells Ogie that Marcus was accidentally arrested in the 1916 rebellion and that Tim Healy “raised the matter in the House of Commons” (36), she realizes it would be futile to even begin to explain that Healy was “Parnell’s great enemy [because Ogie] wouldn’t have heard of Parnell” (36).  Anne recognizes that what the Irish-American relatives want to hear is the “usual spiel about the poor immigrant making good” (27). Still, their ideas about Marcus mix fact and fiction. In fact, Marcus had “spoken before King George V when the monarch visited Ireland after his coronation” (57).  And he was “held on political charges in 1916 in connection with the uprising”(56).  The American relations have only half the information and twist it to suit their own view of him. As Anne writes: “It was strange reading your family history in newspapers—and everything the opposite of what you’d been told.  It was reality versus myth.  Marcus was a chancer from the beginning” (63).  To the American relatives more than fifty years afterwards, Marcus’s arrest in the 1916 uprising meant he was an IRA member even though Anne knows he ‘was arrested by mistake [ . . . .] He was walking down Baggot Street. And ended up in Kilmainham Goal” (36).  Even Anne’s mother Oonagh, raised in America before moving to Ireland, may have confused some of the family history: “Marcus had been reluctant to talk about the Rosenthal case.  Why had Oonagh never mentioned it?  She talked about the Thaw case and the film about Evelyn Nesbit, The Girl on the Red Velvet Swing. Perhaps she had mixed up Rosenthal with Thaw.  The last two syllables sounded alike” (70).[7] Oonagh wants to be sure that her version of the past is, at least in some respects, a positive one: “Remember, our family emigrated from choice. We were never starving” (44).  And Anne herself meanders along the mythic past, preferring to believe that her great grandfather was a Kerrry schoolmaster “too clever for ordinary high schools” (44). Yet doubt creeps in: “Maybe our ancestors had built the railways like all the other Irish.  But could a labourer produce a Marcus Quilligan O’Neill?” (44).

Anne O’Brien extends this question of romanticizing the past from her own family to all Irish immigrants: “How many Irish Americans knew that their ancestors had staked out territory in the city?  You thought of them as Rosary-muttering Catholics, but many were thugs” (176). Some  Tammany politicians began their careers as leaders of gangs—Richard Croker of the Tunnel gang, Big Tim Sullivan of the Whyos (Sante 267-8), and Charles Murphy of the Gas House Gang (Myers 299). Gang warfare between the Eastmans, led by Monk Eastman, and the Five Pointers, under Paul Kelley, lasted for over two years and over 30 gangsters were killed (Asbury 234).  Big Tim often used the Eastmans to make sure appropriate results were obtained for Tammany during elections (Werner 439).

Anne O’Brien’s American cousins are not alone in this kind of romanticizing of the past: “Many journalists and novelists have exaggerated and romanticized the positive side of Irish politics and its power broker significance” (McCaffrey  228). Callaghan’s narrator herself says “The historians say we changed American history by the parish mentality [8] of our representatives, who made sure of votes with buckets of coal and bags of groceries.  The Democratic Party’s New Deal was an extension of this.  But the bad result then was Tammany” (176). [9]

The contrasts between the Irish and the Irish-American characters in the novel is striking.  While the Irish Americans romanticize the old country, long to “return” to marry a fresh young colleen or visit the villages of their ancestors, the Irish narrator is disgusted by the parochial attitudes of her homeland. She is realistic about the need to escape Ireland to make a living. And although Anne has difficulty facing the truth about her grandfather, she has no difficulty seeing her cousin clearly. In fact, Ogie and Anne, despite their emotional closeness, are different spirits, Ogie living in her version of the past, what Kennelly refers to as the “closed mind [, . . .] firm, contained and resolute in itself, in its own defined context [ . . . ;] it craves the conviction that it alone is the sole embodiment of truth” (Kennelly 167, 169).  Anne, however, is beyond that confining narrowness.  Speaking in her own voice, by the end of the novel she has found the potential to develop, change, and grow, entering the lives of those who are profoundly different from her.  She has “put all the stifling Irish Mothers (Mother Ireland, Mother Church, Mother Machree) where they belong. Nowhere” (Kennelly 181).

Anne’s Irish-American cousin Bud, named after his grandfather Marcus, appears to be an ethnic atavism, a throwback to a time when the Irish were linked to crime and deviance.  He volunteered for the army “to get out of reform school” (107); he was “movie-star handsome” ( 27) like “someone sent up from central casting for  a lead in a soap opera” (105).  He had three unsuccessful marriages and drifted in and out of various jobs, ending up as a card dealer at the Desert Inn (35, 107).  As early as 1969, when she knew him as a teenager, Anne thought he was linked to criminal elements, having discovered in his apartment closet “rows of fur coats [that] looked hot—in the criminal sense” (107).  And like his grandfather Marcus, he sought (unsuccessfully) a “little bit of heaven in the shape of an Irish colleen” (107).  Bud had an intimate knowledge of Mafia politics (198-9) which, given his ignorance on other issues, lends credibility to the idea that he walked close to the edge of illegal activity.  If Marcus was involved in the seedy underworld of New York, Bud “hadda get his ass outa Vegas[10]  in one hell of a hurry” (109) because they thought he was “graftin’” and the mob “threatened to break [his] fingers” (110).   When Anne demands an explanation, Bud avers, “A guy’s gotta live, don’t he?” (110), hearkening back to Anne’s conversation with Marcus about his allegedly crooked boxing matches. Bud packed a gun (196), stayed inside behind drawn curtains, and wore sunglasses and a hooded track suit even when he went out at night (113).  And Bud had even developed a rationale for his behavior; Bud notes, “Our grandfather mighta done in some innocent.  He mighta taken graft . . . .Well, Coz, one way or another, we all take graft” (201).  Anne recognizes that “it was something out of Bald Jack’s time” (110).

The emigrant dreams of the title are exposed as pipe-dreams as Anne compares the actual history of her grandfather with the version that the second and third generations of her family have come to believe.  No American streets were paved with gold: Marcus had to play  the often seedy Irish-American game in his attempts to become the Horatio Alger of the O’Neill clan.  This romanticized version is the one his ghost and his family want to perpetuate.  But the dream is exposed in Anne’s research, in her mother’s hint that “he was not a proper father” (24), and in the character of Bud, whose life parallels his grandfather’s in so many ways.  Anne herself is drawn to and struggles with the dream.  She feels the pull to emigrate, she is enchanted by the lure that America holds out, and the hallucinations of her grandfather tug at those romantic longings, urging her to write the history he wants written, the cleaned-up version, the one that makes him the hero, the one that covers up the facts of his life. 

Callaghan’s reflection on immigration and immigrants fits neatly into what we know about the Irish immigrant experience. The fact that the Irish continue to come to America in relatively large numbers reinforces Miller’s point that post-famine Irish migration was “escape” not “exile” (Miller 363).  Then, as now, cheap, easy transport made the voyage palatable for most of those seeking personal and material advancement.  Anne O’Brien, unlike her grandfather Marcus, embodies both perspectives in one: emigrant and immigrant.  As a late-blooming feminist (63), she is repelled by the Catholic conservatism of her homeland, rationalizing her two-continent commuter career by saying, “I had to land in the US every year to keep my green card [. . . . T]hey always renewed my contract.  There was a demand for Irish women abroad. At home they stoned you “ (4).  And later, “Irish women of my generation were reared on a diet of Romantic poetry and niceness.  It was our fatal flaw.  Also Catholicism” (123).  Happy to have arrived, she thought, “Still, I liked to know what was going on. America was an injection—the climate, or something, was energizing [. . . .] It certainly beat staying home.  Thanks to the college, I now had an identity” (58-9).  “It opened up my life” (10), deriding her Irish homeland as “A fascist backwater, a frog’s hole of swollen egos and begrudgery” (115).  Yet at the same time, Anne was repelled by America: “Why was everyone so aggressive here? [. . . .] the sky was aflame/. There was a smell of pollution.  Horns blared and brakes screeched as we merged into the Van Wyck Expressway” (15)

Tied up with the question of emigration, the American Dream, and Marcus’s history is the larger question of Anne as creative artist. Throughout the novel, Anne struggles with the idea of whether or not to take on the challenge of writing her grandfather’s story. As she uncovers more and more scandal about him, it becomes clear that she cannot write the biography her Irish-American relatives want her to write.  Perhaps even more frightening to her, she is haunted by her grandfather’s command to tell HIS side of the story, not the version written up in the history books and the newspapers. Anne’s profession as a novelist is one that puts her in close proximity with that of a biographer. In fact, she writes historical romances, books that distort history, fictionalizing it, to put in forth to audiences who want to believe this “prettified” version rather than the real truth. As such, she feels like a hack (quote). What Ogie and Marcus want is not history or biography but historical romance. They want Anne to alter the facts to fit their perceptions of those facts.  Anne ‘s hints throughout the novel of her “madness,” tie the question of the creative process to that of fact-finder. (think this through).  One of the major issues in this novel is the question about how close madness is to creativity. When we first meet Anne and she sees her grandfather, we are not sure whether or not he is real. We are meant to wonder about his existence: is this a ghost? Is he a man whom she misinterprets, seeing him as her grandfather? Is it a figment of her tortured imagination? Or is her vision of Marcus simply the artist’s way of imagining, creating a reality of the mind quite as real as that one outside the mind? Is Anne mad? Or is she ”just” a writer?

These questions haunt the reader as Marcus haunts Anne.  As Marcus enters Anne’s world, he brings the past with him, a past that is murky, full of misinterpretations, false memories, distorted images (this is the part I need to think through—tie it all up here_

Ultimately, Anne never writes the biography of her grandfather Marcus Quilligan O’Neill.  Her contract up, the disastrous affair with Chuck over, Anne returns to the land she is critical of—her home.  Boarding her flight, she was “glad to see the familiar green uniform of the Aer Lingus hostess [. . . .] Soon we’d head up the coast of north America . Then out to sea and home” (297). 

It is clear at the end of the book, when she is once again on an Aer Lingus flight, that Anne takes control of the ghosts of her immigrant past (and the romantic impulse to write history to fit the emigrant dream). If the novel begins with a flight from Ireland  to America, it ends with a flight back to Ireland. In America, she has confronted her “demons” with courage, tenacity, and humor.  Anne banishes Marcus’s ghost from her life—but not before creating a handlebar mustache on him.  She jokingly makes him the stereotype of the villain, not the hero.  She acknowledges his limitations and sees him not as “the famous grandfather,” but as a human being who did some good and some bad. It is this realization that allows her to close the book and go back home.

 

 

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Myers, Gustavus. The History of Tammany Hall. New York: Boni and Liverwright, 1917.

Neil, Kenneth. An Illustrated History of the Irish People. Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1979.

Nevada.” Encyclopedia Americana. 1996 edn.

Parillo, Vincent. Strangers to these Shores. 4th edn. Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 1994.

Phelan, James D. Santo Domingo Investigation: Copy of the Report Findings and Opinion. Washington DC: Gibson Bros Press, 1916.

Sante, Luc. Low Life: Lures and Snares of Old New York. New York: Random House, 1992.

“Says Bryan Ignored Sullivan Scandal.” New York Times 17 January 1915.

Shannon, William. The American Irish. New York: Macmillan, 1963.

“Sullivan, James Mark.” The National Cyclopedia. 1941 edn.

Thernstrom, Stephan ed. Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1981.

“Tumulty’s Caution for Sullivan Told.” New York Times 14 January 1915: 5.

Vecoli, Rudolph. Ed. Gale Encyclopedia of Multicultural America vol. 2. New York: Gale, 1995.

Waldrup, Judith. “Irish Eyes in America.” Demographics March 1989:6.

Werner, M.R. Tammany Hall. New York: Garden City, 1928.

 

 



[1] all future references to Emigrant Dreams by page number only

[2] The model for Marcus in the novel is the novelist’s actual grandfather, James Mark Sullivan (1873?-1933), a Yale Law graduate, lawyer to Bald Jack Rose in the Becker-Rosenthal case, Minister Plenipotentiary to Santo Domingo under the Wilson administration, and founder of the Film Company of Ireland.

 

[3] New York, with its Tammany Hall,  was but one of several cities controlled by Irish machine politics—Boston, Buffalo, Chicago, Philadelphia, St. Louis and San Francisco also offered boss-controlled paternalistic patronage systems that provided the Irish a degree of upward mobility (Parillo 155).

[4] This despite the fact that he had been a bank president, assistant general manager of Bethlehem Steel’s shipyards, president of a movie-house chain, later helping to reorganize Paramount and RCA.  He became a Wall Street investor and by 1934 was a multimillionaire.  He soon began a career in public service, heading the newly-created SEC, the then US Maritime Commission and capping it with appointment as the first Irish and Catholic Ambassador to Great Britain.  He broke with FDR in 1940 over America’s role in saving Britain from a German invasion.  His oldest son Joseph was killed in WW2, and JFK nearly so.  By the time the quote above was uttered, JFK had been elected to the House of Representatives, then the  Senate.  In 1956, JFK tried unsuccessfully to obtain the Democratic nomination for Vice-President (Shannon 347-8, 353-57, 395-8, 408).  In this context, the elder Kennedy’s rancor is understandable. By the time his son became President, the cultural break was complete. Prior to his premature death in 1963, John F. Kennedy visited Ireland.  He was given a tumultuous welcome, but an observer noted that even here, “vast areas of his personality eluded their understanding. He was Irish and he was Catholic, but his understanding of these two realities and their own involved differences so momentous that they surpassed even token understanding [ . . . . ]An Irish gentleman [ . . . ] underlined this confusion: ‘It was nice of him to come, you know. It means a lot to our people, but you can’t get around the impression that he is much more of you than he is of us (“Cabots and Lowells” 28).

[5] This may have been meant to pay off his debt to Tim Sullivan, allegedly a well-fixed cousin who helped finance his Yale education (Myers 311; “Says Bryan Ignored” 9).

[6] The fact is that Marcus’s model Sullivan had been sent by the Wilson administration to Santo Domingo because of his long espousal of Democratic causes, his close links to the Irish-American community, and his personal association with William C. Beer, a lobbyist for the Banco Nacionale (Link 108; “Tumulty’s Caution for Sullivan Told” 5).  James Sullivan, with no diplomatic training and brought up in the culture of Tammany patronage, failed to grasp the complexities of his new post.  Initially lauded in the press for his efforts to  resolve the Dominican Revolution (“Ends Revolution in Santo Domingo” 9), the subsequent Phelan Report stated that he exceeded his authority in the promises he made to the revolutionary forces, that fighting continued, and that the actual negotiations were conducted by other consular officials (Phelan Report 22).

[7] Marcus may have been reluctant to talk about the Becker-Rosenthal case because it would expose his close links to Tammany corruption, police graft, the sleazy realm of police courts, and reinforce his ties to the criminal underworld via his association with Bald Jack Rose. The Thaw case, also a murder, was scandal among the elite of New York society in 1907.  The “historical” Marcus, J.M. Sullivan may have served as associate counsel to Daniel O’Reilly, who was soon replaced, allegedly because of O’Reilly’s affair with his client’s wife, Evelyn Nesbitt (Mooney 283).  O’Reilly was subsequently imprisoned and disbarred (Phelan report 6).

[8] The “parish mentality” was the direct result of the new Tammany modeling itself on the structure and influence of the Catholic Church.  Boss Tweed was the last Protestant to rule Tammany until the 1960s.  Catholic rule was begun with “Honest” John Kelly.  His predecessor, Tweed, was prosecuted by Charles O’Connor, first Catholic candidate for President.  Kelly, distraught over the death of his wife and son, was  seriously considering the priesthood.  Instead, he opted to be a “reform” Tammany politician, marrying the niece of New York’s Cardinal McClosky and managing the election of the city’s first Catholic mayor, William Grace, an immigrant success story who began life in America as a singing waiter, later becoming the millionaire owner   of Grace Shipping Lines and leader of the Swallowtails, the wealthy wing of Tammany Hall (Connable and Silberfarb 181, 203).

[9] This again is a nostalgic reflection of Tammany political history.  Tammany politicians were not latter-day Robin Hoods but were intent on pursuing profits, not ideals.  For example, the State Tenement House Act of 1901, the first piece of housing legislation in the nation, was anathema to Tammany for such social legislation undermining its power by limiting its paternalistic patronage.  “Human misery was the stuff of Tammany victories” (Connable and Silberfarb 181).

[10] Gambling was legalized in 1931, the same year that the Boulder Dam was begun and the state eased residence requirements for divorce, increasing migration, employee payrolls, and gambling. With gambling curtailed in California during the 1940s and with regular airline flights after 1945, Las Vegas became a mecca for gamblers from both the East and West coasts.  The Jewish gangsters got there first. The Flamingo, the Sands,  and the Thunderbird were controlled by Jewish mobsters, as was the Desert Inn, initially operated by Moe Dalitz and the Cleveland Syndicate.  Later in the 1950s came a wave of Italian-controlled casinos—Riviera, Stardust, Dunes, Tropicana (Fox 283-4). During the 1950s, Nevada began to establish strict gambling regulations to prevent cheating and limit the influence of criminals.  By 1969, the state passed the Corporate Gambling Act designed to attract “reputable, honest, and well-financed companies to the industry to replace undesirable elements,” a tacit recognition of the industry’s links to organized crime (“NevadaEncyclopedia Americana 149-50).